Consent Under Pressure: Unequal Power in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime / by Safia Southey

International law often claims to rest on the principles of state consent and sovereign equality, but recent developments in nuclear governance highlight how these ideals obscure the structural inequities embedded in the system. From the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)’s censure of Iran’s nuclear program to the lack of scrutiny over Israel’s undeclared nuclear capabilities, the principle of consent appears as little more than a façade for weaker states. Iran faces stringent compliance obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), enforced through sanctions and diplomatic isolation. Meanwhile, Israel–unbound by the NPT as a non-signatory–evades accountability entirely.

This disparity illustrates how power asymmetries distort international law, transforming consent into coercion for weaker states while exempting powerful nations and their allies from scrutiny. Such dynamics not only undermine the legitimacy of the nonproliferation regime but also perpetuate global inequalities. Analyzing the contrasting cases of Iran and Israel reveals structural flaws in the current system, underscoring the need for reforms to ensure nonproliferation norms are applied consistently and equitably.

The Crisis of Nuclear Nonproliferation

Nuclear nonproliferation is widely regarded as one of the cornerstones of international security. The NPT, adopted in 1968, was designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, promote peaceful nuclear energy development, and obligate nuclear-armed states to pursue good-faith negotiations on effective measures for nuclear disarmament and the cessation of the arms race under strict international control. The treaty’s three pillars–nonproliferation, disarmament, and peaceful nuclear use–form its conceptual foundation.

Over five decades later, however, the nonproliferation regime is increasingly criticized for systemic inequities. The framework disproportionately scrutinizes non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS), while nuclear-armed states and non-signatories evade accountability for their obligations. Iran’s nuclear program exemplifies this imbalance: despite Tehran’s repeated assertions that its activities are peaceful, the IAEA has intensified its scrutiny. At the same time, Israel, whose nuclear arsenal is an open secret, avoids comparable oversight, reflecting how geopolitical considerations distort the application of international law.

This imbalance is particularly urgent given recent developments. Iran’s announcement of advanced centrifuge deployment has escalated tensions, prompting the IAEA to issue resolutions denouncing its alleged non-cooperation. Simultaneously, Israel’s nuclear capabilities remain shielded by U.S. diplomatic support and strategic immunity. These cases highlight the systemic inequities at the heart of the nonproliferation regime.

Iran: A Case of Coerced Consent

Iran’s nuclear program has long been a focal point of the nonproliferation regime, illustrating how weaker states are subjected to coercive compliance mechanisms under the guise of voluntary consent. North Korea serves as an example of the significant costs associated with withdrawing from the NPT. Although the treaty permits states to exit, as North Korea did in 2003, such a move often results in near-total isolation from the international economic and political system. For Iran, remaining within the NPT framework–despite its challenges–avoids the severe repercussions that follow such a withdrawal, underscoring the constrained choices faced by weaker states under the regime.

As a signatory to the NPT, Iran is obligated to adhere to its safeguards regime, monitored by the IAEA under Article III of the treaty. While Iran has consistently asserted that its nuclear activities are for peaceful purposes, its relations with the IAEA and Western powers have been fraught with mistrust, culminating in decades of sanctions, inspections, and negotiations.

The JCPOA and its Collapse

In 2015, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was brokered between Iran and the P5+1 (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany) to address concerns over Iran’s nuclear program. The JCPOA required Iran to significantly curtail its uranium enrichment activities, redesign its Arak heavy-water reactor, and allow extensive IAEA inspections in exchange for relief from international sanctions. Central to the agreement was Iran’s acceptance of the Additional Protocol, which expanded the IAEA’s authority to inspect undeclared facilities and verify compliance.

However, the JCPOA unraveled in 2018 when the United States, under President Donald Trump, unilaterally withdrew from the agreement and reimposed sanctions on Iran. This action arguably violated UNSC Resolution 2231, which had endorsed the JCPOA and called upon all member states to support its implementation, thus undermining both the deal and the multilateral trust required for the nonproliferation regime to function effectively. In response, Iran gradually rolled back its JCPOA commitments, resuming uranium enrichment at higher levels and installing advanced centrifuges.

Recent Developments

Since 2021, the IAEA has repeatedly censured Iran for its lack of transparency and failure to cooperate fully with inspections. A resolution adopted by the IAEA’s Board of Governors in 2024 criticized Iran for failing to clarify the presence of uranium particles at undeclared sites, intensifying international pressure. Tehran, in turn, announced that it had begun operating new generations of centrifuges, significantly increasing its enrichment capacity.

Iran’s actions, while framed as defiance, must be understood in the context of coercion. The reimposition of U.S. sanctions has severely affected Iran’s economy as a whole, with particularly harsh consequences for the middle class, including restricted access to global financial systems and exacerbating domestic crises. The European Union, while attempting to mediate, has in recent years aligned more closely with the U.S., further isolating Iran–driven not only by nuclear compliance issues but also by concerns over Iran’s human rights record and its support for Russia in Ukraine. However, this marks a significant shift from its earlier stance; until 2020, the EU actively opposed U.S. sanctions, even invoking a ‘blocking statute’ to protect European companies from compliance with American penalties. This economic and diplomatic pressure leaves Tehran with few options other than compliance with the IAEA’s demands, undermining the principle of voluntary consent.

Legal and Normative Implications for Iran

Iran’s treatment under the NPT illustrates how the nonproliferation regime prioritizes enforcement against NNWS while failing to address the nuclear capabilities of states outside the treaty framework. Article IV of the NPT guarantees the “inalienable right” of all parties to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, yet Iran’s exercise of this right has been subject to scrutiny and obstruction. The selective application of this principle reflects broader inequities in the system, where weaker states are coerced into compliance while powerful states evade accountability.

Israel: The Exception to the Rule

In stark contrast to Iran, Israel operates entirely outside the NPT framework, maintaining a policy of nuclear opacity that has shielded its program from international scrutiny. Despite widespread acknowledgment of its nuclear arsenal–estimated at 80-90 warheads–Israel remains a non-signatory to the NPT and is not subject to IAEA safeguards or inspections. This status has allowed Israel to develop and maintain its nuclear capabilities without IAEA oversight, highlighting the geopolitical double standards that weaken the consistency of the nonproliferation regime, though Israel’s policies have faced criticism in other international and regional forums.

Historical Context of Israel’s Nuclear Program

Israel’s nuclear program began in the late 1950s with covert assistance from France, which provided the technology and expertise to build the Dimona reactor in the Negev Desert. Officially described as a “research facility,” Dimona became the centerpiece of Israel’s nuclear weapons program. By the late 1960s, U.S. intelligence assessments concluded that Israel had developed a nuclear capability, though successive U.S. administrations refrained from pressuring Israel to join the NPT or dismantle its arsenal.

The doctrine of nuclear opacity, or amimut, has been a cornerstone of Israeli security policy. By neither confirming nor denying its nuclear capabilities, Israel avoids triggering regional arms races while deterring potential adversaries. This ambiguity has been supported by a tacit understanding with the United States, which has shielded Israel from international scrutiny and ensured that its nuclear program remains beyond the reach of the IAEA.

Selective Enforcement and Geopolitical Immunity

Unlike Iran, Israel navigates the political mechanisms of nuclear governance without being bound by formal legal or institutional constraints. As a non-signatory to the NPT, it avoids the treaty’s safeguards and disarmament obligations, relying instead on its diplomatic and strategic alliances to deflect scrutiny. Attempts to bring Israel under international oversight, particularly through UN resolutions calling for inspections of its facilities, have been repeatedly blocked by its allies, especially the United States. While Israel’s approach reflects its adeptness at managing the political mechanisms that define nuclear governance, the need to consistently defend its nuclear opacity on the global stage challenges the notion that it operates with complete impunity.

This strategic immunity reflects the broader power dynamics of the nonproliferation regime, where geopolitical alliances play a significant role. While states like Iran are subjected to coercive measures due to their lack of powerful allies, countries like Pakistan, despite not being U.S. allies, also avoid similar scrutiny, demonstrating that factors beyond alliances contribute to the selective enforcement of nonproliferation norms. In contrast, Israel's nuclear capabilities have largely escaped international sanctions, primarily due to its strategic alliances, notably with the United States. This disparity undermines the legitimacy of the nonproliferation regime, creating a perception that its enforcement is driven by political considerations rather than universal principles.

Normative Implications for Israel

Israel’s exemption from the NPT framework has significant normative consequences. By failing to address Israel’s nuclear program, the international community signals that nonproliferation norms are selectively applied, weakening their universality. This double standard erodes trust among NNWS, particularly in the Global South, who view the system as perpetuating existing hierarchies rather than promoting collective security. It also undermines efforts to establish a Middle East Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone, a longstanding goal of regional diplomacy.

The Broader Implications of Selective Enforcement

The contrasting cases of Iran and Israel highlight the structural inequities of the nonproliferation regime. While Iran is coerced into compliance through sanctions and inspections, Israel operates outside the system entirely, shielded by geopolitical alliances. Iran’s recent alliances with Russia and China, while offering some shielding from coercive pressures, underscore the hypocrisy of a system where power dynamics and connections to major global players determine the application of nonproliferation norms, rather than universal principles. This selective enforcement undermines the principles of sovereign equality and voluntary consent, eroding the legitimacy of the NPT and the IAEA.

Distortion of Article IV Rights

Article IV of the NPT affirms the right of all parties to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. However, the selective application of this principle has created a two-tiered system, where NNWS like Iran face significant barriers to exercising their rights, while non-signatories like Israel, though subject to light criticism for its nuclear capabilities, evade the formal scrutiny and obligations imposed under the NPT framework. This disparity perpetuates global inequalities, limiting the ability of NNWS to pursue legitimate development goals.

Erosion of Trust in International Law

The perception of bias in the nonproliferation regime has broader implications for international law. When enforcement is seen as arbitrary or politically motivated, states are less likely to view international institutions as legitimate arbiters of global norms. This erosion of trust weakens the normative foundation of the nonproliferation regime, making it more difficult to achieve compliance and cooperation.

Moving Forward

Addressing these inequities requires a fundamental rethinking of the nonproliferation regime.

  1. Extend Oversight to Non-Signatories: Mechanisms should be developed to bring non-signatories like Israel under IAEA oversight, recognizing that such measures would require the consent of the states involved. This could include tailored agreements that balance security concerns with transparency requirements, ensuring that all states are subject to basic nonproliferation norms.

  2. Ensure Consistent Application of Article IV: The IAEA must adopt a more equitable approach to enforcing Article IV rights, ensuring that NNWS pursuing peaceful nuclear energy are not subjected to undue barriers or coercion.

  3. Depoliticize Nonproliferation Enforcement: To restore trust in the system, the IAEA could establish an independent review body to assess enforcement actions, though care must be taken to ensure its composition and rules are perceived as impartial. While challenges remain in overcoming perceptions of bias, such a body could help ground decisions in objective criteria rather than overt geopolitical considerations.

The principle of consent in international law is fundamental to its legitimacy, but its selective application within the nonproliferation regime reveals the extent to which power asymmetries distort this ideal. The contrasting cases of Iran and Israel illustrate how coercion and geopolitical bias undermine the principle of sovereign equality, eroding trust in the system. However, by reconceptualizing compliance as a collaborative process rooted in mutual consent and ensuring that norms are applied consistently, the international community can begin to address these inequities. A fairer and more balanced nonproliferation regime is not only necessary for the legitimacy of international law but also critical for maintaining global security in an increasingly polarized world.